Volume 1, Issue 1 (2026)

Graph theory has long supplied the mathematical language used to describe networks, yet its role has become more—not less—important as digital systems have grown larger, faster and more heterogeneous. This paper examines how graph-theoretical ideas are used in contemporary communication and computational networks, with particular attention to routing, traffic and capacity optimisation, topology and resilience, cybersecurity, and graph-based machine learning. The study follows a qualitative, analytical and secondary-source-based design. It brings together foundational work on shortest paths and network flows, established Internet standards, research in complex-network science, and recent scholarship on graph analytics and graph neural networks. The analysis shows that classical concepts such as vertices, edges, weighted paths, trees, cuts and flows continue to shape practical network operation. OSPF remains a clear example because its link-state database is interpreted as a graph from which shortest-path trees are calculated. At the same time, graph models now support tasks that were less prominent in earlier networking research, including failure analysis, anomaly detection and learned prediction. The paper argues that newer artificial-intelligence methods do not displace graph theory; they build upon it. Their effectiveness still depends on how nodes, edges, features, temporal changes and operational constraints are represented. The principal challenge is therefore not whether graph theory is relevant, but how faithfully a graph captures a dynamic real-world network and how efficiently that representation can be analysed at scale.

Digital technology has become an important part of school education, changing how students access, process and revise academic content. However, its effect on memory retention is not uniformly positive or negative. This paper examines the relationship between digital learning and students’ ability to retain and retrieve information over time. The study follows a secondary-data-based analytical design and draws on peer-reviewed studies, systematic reviews, meta-analyses and reports from recognised educational organisations. Cognitive load theory, multimedia learning theory and research on retrieval practice provide the main conceptual framework. The evidence suggests that digital learning can strengthen retention when it encourages active recall, spaced practice, timely feedback and meaningful interaction with learning material. Well-designed combinations of text, images and audio may also improve understanding and encoding. At the same time, digital environments can reduce learning quality when students face excessive multimedia, screen-based distraction, fragmented attention or superficial reading. Research comparing digital and traditional learning also shows that printed reading and handwriting remain useful in some contexts, particularly where sustained comprehension and conceptual understanding are required. The paper concludes that technology itself does not determine memory outcomes. Its educational value depends on instructional design, learner age, teacher guidance, the nature of the task and students’ ability to maintain attention. A balanced approach combining purposeful digital tools with established teaching practices is therefore more appropriate than complete dependence on either digital or traditional methods.

Pressure groups constitute an important arena of political participation between elections, connecting organised social interests with institutions of government and public policy. In India, their character has changed considerably with economic liberalisation, expansion of civil society, proliferation of mass and digital media, judicialisation of politics and the emergence of network-based social movements. This paper examines the changing nature of pressure group politics in contemporary India and asks whether these changes have widened democratic participation or produced new inequalities in political influence. The study adopts a qualitative, descriptive and analytical research design based entirely on secondary sources, including peer-reviewed scholarship, government documents, legislation, judicial decisions and institutional publications. It argues that Indian pressure politics has moved from a predominantly organisation-based model centred on trade unions, business associations, professional bodies and agrarian organisations towards a more complex system combining formal lobbying, issue-based coalitions, protest mobilisation, strategic litigation, expert advocacy and digital campaigning. Business associations have acquired greater technical and policy capacity, while farmers’ organisations and civil-society networks have demonstrated that sustained collective action can still alter policy outcomes. At the same time, differences in financial resources, organisational capacity, media access and regulatory conditions produce unequal opportunities for influence. The paper concludes that pressure groups remain indispensable to democratic interest articulation in India, but greater transparency in lobbying, political finance and consultation is necessary to prevent participatory politics from becoming disproportionately shaped by resource-rich interests.

Pressure groups constitute an important, though often informally organised, component of democratic policy-making in India. Situated between citizens, political parties and governmental institutions, they articulate sectoral, occupational, economic and public-interest demands without ordinarily seeking direct control of political office. This paper examines the role of pressure groups in the formation of public policy in India, with particular attention to the institutional channels through which they operate, their changing strategies, and the democratic tensions associated with unequal access to decision-makers. The study adopts a qualitative, descriptive and analytical research design based entirely on secondary sources, including constitutional provisions, legislation, parliamentary material, government documents and peer-reviewed scholarship. It draws on pluralist interest-group theory, collective-action theory and an unequal-resources perspective to assess the influence of business associations, farmers’ organisations, trade unions, professional bodies and civil-society movements. The analysis finds that pressure groups influence Indian public policy through pre-legislative consultation, parliamentary committees, direct representation to ministries, public campaigns, protest, litigation, media engagement and coalition-building. Cases concerning the Right to Information, Lokpal legislation and the 2020–2021 farmers’ mobilisation demonstrate that organised pressure can place neglected issues on the policy agenda and, under particular political circumstances, contribute to legislative change. However, influence is highly uneven. Organised economic interests generally possess greater financial, informational and institutional resources than marginalised groups. The study concludes that pressure-group participation strengthens democratic responsiveness when accompanied by disclosure, inclusive consultation and institutional accountability, but can undermine equality in policy-making when influence operates through opaque or privileged channels.

Land revenue lay at the heart of British colonial administration in India. It provided the state with a major source of income, but it also reshaped older relationships among cultivators, landlords, village communities, creditors and the state. This paper examines the relationship between colonial land revenue policies and peasant resistance from the late eighteenth to the early twentieth century. Rather than treating the Permanent Settlement, ryotwari and mahalwari systems simply as administrative arrangements, the study considers how they reorganised property rights, strengthened particular intermediaries, expanded the importance of cash payments and legal enforcement, and exposed cultivators to new forms of economic insecurity. The paper adopts a qualitative, historical and comparative research design based entirely on secondary scholarship and selected published primary materials. Particular attention is given to the Santal rebellion, Indigo Revolt, Pabna agrarian movement, Deccan Riots, Kheda Satyagraha and Bardoli Satyagraha. The analysis shows that peasant resistance cannot be explained by revenue rates alone. Revenue demands became politically explosive when combined with indebtedness, rent enhancement, commercialisation, crop failure, coercive contracts, insecure tenancies and unequal access to colonial courts. Resistance consequently took diverse forms—from armed rebellion and attacks on creditors to litigation, rent strikes and disciplined refusal to pay revenue. By the twentieth century, local agrarian grievances were increasingly connected with organised nationalism. The paper argues that colonial land policy was therefore not merely a fiscal mechanism: it became one of the principal arenas in which authority, property and rural political rights were contested in colonial India.